Virtual museum of Russian aggression.

Virtual museum of Russian aggression.

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Fake document vs. the president

Russia unleashes a war against the Ukrainian people on the 23rd year of the restoration of independence of Ukraine, in a period of difficult struggle for democracy. 

In early December 2013, in a telephone conversation with the UN Secretary-General, the President of Ukraine promised to start negotiations with the opposition to reduce tensions in Ukraine. However, at the end of February 2014, when Yanukovych and most of his associates were in Russia and the Russian armed aggression in Crimea became apparent, the UN Security Council initiated an urgent meeting. The position of Russia at this closed session on February 28, 2014, looks extremely unprepared. 

On March 1, 2014, at the 7124th open meeting of the UN Security Council, the Permanent Representative of Ukraine for the first time publicly assessed the actions Russia as an act of aggression against Ukraine. Instead, the representative of the Russian Federation justified his actions by claiming that a coup d'état had taken place in Ukraine and that Russian intervention was carried out to protect Russian citizens and the Russian-speaking population of Crimea. He refers to the «appeal of the Council of Ministers of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea» under the leadership of Sergei Aksyonov to the Russian President «to promote and ensure peace and tranquility» in Crimea dated March 01, 2014. This position is sharply criticized by those present, including for the fact that Aksyonov is not the person authorized to invite the armed forces of a foreign state.

Finally, on March 03, 2014, Russia itself convenes the UN Security Council. At the open 7125th session, a statement by Viktor Yanukovych is read, in which the fugitive calls on the Russian Federation «to send troops to Ukraine to ensure order and peace». In the morning, the Russian delegation managed to give this statement the status of an official document of the UN Security Council.


This document was allegedly referred to before, in Russia, when on March 1, 2014, at an extraordinary meeting of the Federation Council, senators were urgently called to consider only one issue: permission for the Russian president to use Russian armed forces on the territory of Ukraine. This request was allegedly made by the «legitimate president of Ukraine» at approximately 5:30 p.m. This additionally contributed to the positive decision of the senators, and was also intended to demoralize Ukrainians.

For a long time afterward, the Russians will use the document signed by Viktor Yanukovych to justify their aggression to the international community. Nevertheless, UN members are steadfast in their support for the territorial integrity of Ukraine. French Ambassador Gerard Arnault, when asked by journalists whether Vitaliy Churkin was showing a fake document, replied:

«The document is not fake. The president is the fake one»

Президенту України Віктору Януковичу в 2014-му було 64 роки, російському президенту Володимиру Путіну майже стільки ж – 62. Обоє будували свій кар’єрний шлях ще у комуністичній партії, в Союзі Радянських Соціалістичних Республік, якого з кінця 20 ст. не існувало. У дні ж їхньої молодості не було інституту президентства та конкурентних виборів, влада зосереджувалась довкола генеральних секретарів ЦК КПРС. 

За владу в Україні Януковичу довелося поборотися. Централізовану вертикаль він спершу вибудовував у рідному регіоні, в Донецькій обласній державній адміністрації. Коли на початку 2000-х країною шириться невдоволення чинним президентом, члени донецької фінансово-промислової групи навпаки підтримали Леоніда Кучму. Відтак з 2002-го Янукович став прем’єр-міністром України та вже у цьому провладному статусі вперше брав участь у змаганнях за президентський пост. 

У ході кампанії 2004-го масштабно залучали адміністративний ресурс, фальсифікували результати, переслідували громадських активістів, перешкоджали незалежним медіа, отруїли головного опозиціонера, розпалювали міжрегіональну ворожнечу, сепаратистські й антизахідні настрої. Тоді Януковича навіть встигли привітати з перемогою президенти Росії, Білорусі, Казахстану, Вірменії. Однак рішення Центральної виборчої комісії вдалося оскаржити. Цьому сприяли кількамісячні мирні протести громадян, принципова стійкість міжнародних спостерігачів, зрештою погодження у Верховній Раді політичного компромісу про перетворення України з президентсько-парламентської на парламентсько-президентську республіку. 

Янукович готувався до реваншу, а Росія – до війни. У медіа обговорювали незручні сюжети з біографії Януковича, йшлося про кримінальну молодість, непомірні статки, академічну недоброчесність… Втім на фоні розколу демократичних сил, вже з 2006-го він разом зі своєю Партією регіонів України поступово повертав вплив у найвищих владних кабінетах.

Coup d'etat of 2014 vs. 2010

After winning the next presidential election, Viktor Yanukovych effectively usurps power and strengthens the position of Russia in Ukraine. In April 2010, together with the Russian president, Yanukovych signs the so-called «Kharkiv Agreements», which extend the stay of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Crimea until 2042. The activities of the head of state are directed against the foundations of Ukrainian national security: under the presidency of Yanukovych, the Armed Forces, the Security Service of Ukraine and other security sector agencies actively recruiting pro-Russian personnel, while patriots are fired.


Contrary to the Constitution, in the fall of 2010, Yanukovych changes the form of governance, regaining the competence of the legislative and executive branches of government, the powers that Leonid Kuchma once had. In 2017, the Office of the Prosecutor General of Ukraine would classify these actions as an illegal seizure of power and a coup d'état. 

In 2014, however, it was Yanukovych who claims a «coup d'etat in Kyiv». Allegedly, for security reasons, he and his associates from the supreme bodies of power have to leave the country at one of the most difficult moments in its history. These words are in line with the statements of the Russian president about the «unconstitutional coup d'etat and armed seizure of power...» in Ukraine. This is how two former Soviet functionaries and their followers characterize the civil resistance actions that has been going on in Kyiv and other cities of the country for several months, since the end of November 2013. 

The events that will go down in history as Euromaidan or the Revolution of Dignity are a public response to the governmental disregard for the European course of Ukraine and subsequent violence against activists. For the Yanukovych regime, these are not the first protests, but the longest. This time, the president tries to consolidate power through force, but this further undermines his position and ultimately allows Russia to attack Ukraine. Over the years of his rule, Ukraine has lost significantly in international democracy rankings, and in terms of respect for the rights and freedoms of its citizens, it approaches the class of «unfree countries», including neighboring Russia. 


In January-February 2014, barricade battles, kidnappings, and murders of activists only escalate the confrontation between Euromaidan participants and the government. The president also ignores reports from security services about threatening attempts by Russians to inspire separatist sentiment in certain regions of Ukraine. Protesters demand the resignation of Yanukovych. At the same time, anti-Euromaidan circles call on the president to act even more harshly toward the protesters. 

The Russian leadership, interested in privatizing the strategic assets of Ukraine and in its rejection of European integration, encourages Yanukovych to forcefully disperse the protest. The XXII Winter Olympics take place in Sochi, and this becomes a pretext for forming a powerful grouping of combat-ready troops on the border with Ukraine. 

Western diplomacy seeks to resolve the conflict as soon as possible through the compromise, reconciliation, and the development of an algorithm for renewing the government. Western envoys expect concessions from both the president and the protest leaders. However, Yanukovych has a Russian alternative, and opposition leaders are unable to fully control Euromaidan.


On February 18, 2014, protesters organize a mass march to government buildings. The peaceful action turns into clashes. Then, subordinates of the Minister of Internal Affairs Vitaliy Zakharchenko implement a scenario of forceful clearing of the tent city. On that day, more than 20 Euromaidan participants and 5 law enforcement officers die, some as a result of gunshot wounds. Euromaidan participants in the western regions of Ukraine begin to seize regional administrations and offices of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

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(Anti-)terrorist operation

On the night of February 19, 2014, negotiations between opposition leaders and Yanukovych continue. The president demands that the tent city be closed. He talks to Putin by phone.

On the main square of the capital, the confrontation becomes positional. Both security forces and protesters block the roads to prevent the enemy forces from gathering in Kyiv. Several more participants in the events are killed. 

An anti-terrorist operation is declared. The Security Service of Ukraine, headed by Oleksandr Yakymenko, takes over the coordination of law enforcement agencies. They plan to involve the army. In this case, they count on the help of Defense Minister Pavel Lebedev, who used to be a Party of Regions MP from the Sevastopol majoritarian district before his appointment, as well as on the newly appointed Chief of the General Staff Yuriy Ilyin, who previously headed the national Naval Forces in Crimea. 

At the same time that day, surveillance cameras recorded the beginning of the removal of belongings from the residence of Yanukovych in Mezhyhirya. The evacuation of property lasted for several days until February 22, 2014. 

On February 20, 2014, the commanders of some military units, mostly from Crimea and southern Ukraine, receive an order from Ilyin to send military personnel to Kyiv as part of the anti-terrorist operation. The protesters are able to block the units that manage to hit the road.


More and more activists arrive in the center of the capital, and they go on the offensive. The security forces begin to retreat, and the internal troops surrender to the Maidan self-defense. But on Instytutska Street, snipers open fire on the advancing Euromaidan protesters. Within an hour and a half, 45 protesters are killed – an unprecedented tragedy for the entire Euromaidan period.  

The killings do not stop the Maidan, but they do split the ranks of the Party of Regions. The pro-governmental officials began to flee, resign, and issue statements condemning the actions of the security forces. In the afternoon, MPs gathere for a meeting and after 10:00  p.m. adopt a resolution «Condemning the use of violence that led to the deaths of people». Law enforcement officers are also instructed to immediately investigate all facts that threaten the territorial integrity of Ukraine.

Foreign Ministers Frank-Walter Steinmeier (Germany), Radoslaw Sikorski (Poland), and Eric Fournier, head of the Continental Europe Department of the French Foreign Ministry, try to negotiate with both opposition leaders and the Presidential Administration. Moscow, on the other hand, demands decisiveness from the Ukrainian authorities. Some politicians from eastern Ukraine and Crimea make anti-governmental and pro-Russian statements, some of them are in Moscow.


On the night of February 21, 2014, and into the morning, complex and somewhat delayed negotiations continue at the Presidential Administration with the participation of Yanukovych, his inner circle, three opposition leaders, and international mediators, including the Russian Human Rights Commissioner Vladimir Lukin. A draft agreement is concluded. The Speaker of the Parliament signs the previously voted resolution to wind down the anti-terrorist operation.

Around the same time, Putin convenes an operational meeting with the permanent members of the Russian Security Council in Moscow. The «situation in Ukraine» is discussed by Prime Minister Dmitriy Medvedev, the chairmen of both houses of parliament, Valentina Matvienko and Sergei Naryshkin, the head of the presidential administration, Sergei Ivanov, the secretary of the Security Council, Nikolai Patrushev, and his deputy, Rashid Nurgaliyev, the heads of the Foreign Ministry (Sergei Lavrov), the Ministry of Interior (Vladimir Kolokoltsev), the Defense Ministry (Sergei Shoigu), and the Foreign Intelligence Service (Mikhail Fradkov), as well as the permanent member of the Security Council Boris Gryzlov. 


At 4:00 p.m., all negotiators, except for the Russian, sign the previously prepared «Agreement on the Settlement of the Crisis» at the Presidential Administration. Immediately afterward, the parliament votes on a draft law to restore certain provisions of the 2004 version of the Constitution of Ukraine and on a number of other decisions, including preventing the persecution of activists, dismissing the Minister of Internal Affairs, and on amendments to release political prisoners. Yanukovych does not sign the laws passed by the parliament, but instead orders his bodyguards to prepare for a departure to Kharkiv.

In the evening, the security forces begin to leave the governmental quarter and go to their permanent locations. They are disappointed with the decision of the government to compromise with the «enemy» and now reasonably fear that the charges of excessive violence may be pressed against them. 

People in the center of the capital say goodbye to the deceased activists and demand the immediate resignation of the president. The Russian military intensifies its activity in Crimea.

Following the footsteps of a fugitive vs. a rebel

Allegedly, due to weather conditions, the flight of Yanukovych to Kharkiv is not postponed until the morning, but is organized in the evening of February 21, 2014 at 10:00 p.m. At night, several groups of motorcades driven by the presidential bodyguards also leave the residence in Mezhyhirya to Kharkiv and Crimea. 


The Maidan self-defense occupies the government quarters of Kyiv without any resistance, and on February 22, 2014, at approximately 10:00 a.m., Mezhyhirya. All this causes a devastating blow to the reputation of Yanukovych.

In Kharkiv, he looks for solid support in «his» regions, hoping for the support of the Congress of Deputies of all levels in the southeastern regions, Crimea and Sevastopol. However, on the spot, the head of the presidential guard, Konstantin Kobzar, and some local politicians persuade him to refrain from publicity, allegedly because an assassination attempt is being prepared against Yanukovych. 

At the Kharkiv congress, with the participation of Russian representatives, politicians try to set the southern and eastern regions against the rest of the country, which has fallen out of control of the presidential vertical. Despite loud statements by some MPs and activists about taking responsibility on the ground, control over the events is lost even in Kharkiv itself. At the same time, Euromaidan supporters march in the city.

In Kyiv, the Verkhovna Rada works hard, taking security and personnel decisions. However, in the absence Yanukovych, the voted acts remain unsigned. Therefore, the deputies restore the provisions of the Constitution as amended in 2004, and then by 314 votes, they declare the self-removal of the president from office. Speaker Oleksandr Turchynov is instructed to form a coalition government, and commissioners are appointed to oversee the activities of law enforcement agencies. 

In Kharkiv, Yanukovych calls Putin again. He does not participate in parliamentary initiatives or in the separatist congress. Before leaving the city, he summons a local journalist and two cameramen to the state residence. They record a short video message. The recording is broadcast when Yanukovych is back on the road. In the video, he denies his resignation, criticizes parliamentary decisions, claims that his colleagues are persecuted, and that the opposition and international mediators do not fulfil the terms of the agreement. Later on, the theme of «violation of the agreement by the opposition» (without mentioning that Lukin refused to sign it) is actively picked up by Russian propaganda. It hastily builds its own narrative of events in Ukraine.

Yanukovych and some of his bodyguards take off from Kharkiv in two helicopters, while other bodyguards follow them by car. There are several versions of where the fugitive was headed  – Donetsk, Luhansk, Belbek (Sevastopol), Russian Rostov-on-Don. The associates of Yanukovych gather closer to the borders with Russia: in Luhansk, Donetsk, and Crimea. Formally, some of them allegedly «engage with the voters» on the ground, such as former parliamentary speaker Volodymyr Rybak, head of the Presidential Administration Andriy Klyuyev, and leader of the Party of Regions faction in the Verkhovna Rada Oleksandr Yefremov. However, some of them are while caught trying to flee the country.

Already in the sky, the plans of Yanukovych concerning flight have to be changed. Turchynov gives the order to turn the helicopters around, but allegedly due to a lack of fuel, they land in Donetsk instead of Kharkiv. The helicopters of Yanukovych arrive at Donetsk airport around 4:00-4:30 p.m. Security guards transfer their belongings onto two Falcon 900 jets. The president and his companions take their seats in the aircraft. The guards would later claim that Yanukovych was planning to return to Kyiv. Instead, representatives of the State Border Guard Service would testify that they learned of the  intention of the pilots to fly to Russia. Border guards use a loudspeaker to ask Yanukovych to leave the plane. The guards try to settle the matter with a bribe, then threaten the border guards with weapons. Eventually, cars arrive to the plane. One of them, apparently with Yanukovych, immediately leaves the airport. Some of the guards transfer the luggage from the airplanes into cars, and they also leave the airport.

The cars head to the residence of Rinat Akhmetov in Donetsk. Here, Yanukovych waits for the rest of the escort, and calls his two sons to see him. Putin has telephone conversations with Yanukovych and his bodyguards, and orders his subordinates to prepare a special operation to rescue the fugitive. Kobzar confiscates cell phones from most of the guards. Meanwhile, separatist organizations start their operations in the city, including recruitment for the so-called «Eastern Front», a group created to provide joint protection of order with the police, but later found to be involved in the seizure of administrative buildings. Around 10:00 p.m., Yanukovych's vehicles leave Donetsk, heading south.

Crimean meetings (without) the president

On the night of February 23, 2014, Yanukovych in a motorcade of two Volkswagen Transporter minibuses moves southwest through the Azov steppes toward Crimea. As he approaches Melitopol, his bodyguards report that their advance party is ambushed. Putin would later claim that it was Russian special services that discovered the ambush with heavy machine guns, and then sent the VIP motorcade to the Azov Sea coast. An hour and a half later, a Russian helicopter group with special forces on board evacuates Yanukovych to Russia. This dramatic incident in the Azov Sea region was followed by new details at each subsequent press conference. Neither the fugitives nor the aggressor state would provide any clear version of events, let alone evidence.

The Mi-8 lands at 3:51 a.m. at the airfield in the city of Yeysk in the Krasnodar Krai of the Russian Federation. Passengers are met by Russian military personnel. The presidential bodyguards rest near the runway. In the morning, they board an An-26 military transport plane, where Yanukovych and his inner circle already stay. At the airport of the Russian city of Anapa, the fugitives are transferred to another An-26, which takes them to the already unsettled Crimea at around 1:00 p.m


In fact, the Ukrainian parliament is slightly ahead of Putin's special services, because around 12:30 p.m, while Yanukovych is still in Anapa, Russia, the MPs officially appoint speaker Turchynov as acting president of Ukraine. 

On February 22, 2014, in the afternoon, fighters of the Berkut special forces and internal troops sent to Kyiv to suppress Euromaidan begin to return to Crimea. Here they hope to escape persecution for crimes committed in the capital. The local authorities organize a reception for the security forces and greet them as heroes. Soon the former law enforcement officers would become rebels, blocking the entrances to Crimea during the Russian aggression. 

The next day, in Sevastopol, at a «rally of people's will against fascism», the so-called «people's mayor» Aleksei Chaly was elected. The local public openly criticizes not only the new government in Kyiv, but also the team of Yanukovych for failing to resist the Maidan. 

Yanukovych is returned to Ukraine, to the Russian Black Sea Fleet airbase in the village of Hvardiyske on the afternoon of February 23, 2014. On Crimean soil, he is again met by the Russian military. The motorcade goes to Yalta. Later testimony of the guards revealed that the fugitives stayed at the «Yalta» sanatorium of the Russian Ministry of Defense. Yanukovych plans to move to the state-owned «Glicinija» resort in Livadia, but is denied again, the facility is allegedly closed for the winter. 

 


For Yanukovych, Yalta once again became a place to test his own strength. Among the loyal security officials were Minister of Interior Vitaliy Zakharchenko, SBU chief Oleksandr Yakymenko, Prosecutor General Viktor Pshonka, and Presidential Administration chief Andriy Klyuyev. Yanukovych also has special hopes for the law enforcement officers who have just arrived from Kyiv, but that fade in the light of the street rhetoric of the local protesters. In Yalta, Yanukovych holds talks with some representatives of the Crimean authorities, but many of them refuse to meet, such as the Prime Minister of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea Anatoliy Mohylyov and the heads of the Crimean and Sevastopol departments of the Ministry of Interior.

After 1945, Yalta became a symbolic place of memory for Soviet myth-making. For the admirers of the Soviet past, organizing high-profile meetings and intergovernmental events here was especially honorable. Yanukovych missed several historic chances in Yalta. In May 2012, his team had to cancel the 18th summit of the Central European Initiative, which was scheduled to take place there. Many Western leaders declined the invitation, some of them referring to human rights violations in Ukraine. A few months later, in July 2012, the Livadia Palace hosted another event the fifth meeting of the Ukrainian-Russian Interstate Commission, including a meeting between Yanukovych and Putin. At the informal annual international meeting of politicians and businessmen «Yalta European Strategy» in September 2012, Yanukovych was also ignored by prominent Western politicians. A year later, in September 2013, at the same conference in Yalta, the Ukrainian president claimed that he was «confidently following the path of European integration».


On February 23, 2014, while fleeing from his presidential duties, Yanukovych in Yalta does not receive the necessary support even among his former associates. He stays in Crimea for only a partial day. In the end, in Sevastopol, he writes a statement refusing state protection. At night, Viktor Yanukovych and several of his loyal bodyguards are returned to Russia on a Russian warship.

P.S.

Late in the evening of February 23, 2014, the newly appointed heads of law enforcement agencies in Kyiv would also arrive in Crimea. They would not be able to detain the former president. 

At the end of February, Yanukovych apparently would still be dreaming of returning to Ukraine, and pro-Russian bloggers would be spreading an alleged decree on the establishment of the Staff of Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Sevastopol, headed by Yuriy Ilyin. However, the intercepted conversations of Russian supervisors and Crimean traitors make it clear that only the formal «legitimacy» of this person is important for the Russian occupation plan. Yanukovych is not popular among the local population, and his own political ambitions are easily extinguished by fictitious dangers. At periodic press conferences, the former guarantor of the territorial integrity of Ukraine would only repeat pro-Russian narratives.

Yanukovych, his son, and his inner circle would be subject to numerous international sanctions. Procedures would continue to confiscate the assets of these individuals. In Ukraine, the ex-president is charged with a number of crimes, but he denies any wrongdoing. In January 2019, the Obolonskiy Court in Kyiv would find him guilty of treason, aiding and abetting in the conduct of an aggressive war, and sentence him to 13 years in prison in absentia. Yanukovych would lose the appeal and claim that he was forced to leave the territory of Ukraine on February 24, 2014, and reside in the Russian Federation because he feared for his life. The verdict in this criminal case would become one of the most comprehensive sources of information about the events of that time. On October 7, 2021, the High Anti-Corruption Court of Ukraine also would impose a preventive measure in the form of arrest on Yanukovych in absentia in the case of the appropriation of Mezhyhirya. Other special investigations would continue in the course of a full-scale war, including those against the bodyguards and political associates of Yanukovych.  

A president elected by the people of Ukraine usually retains this title for life. However, in 2015, a separate law would come into force to deprive Yanukovych of this honor.

Democratically-minded citizens of Ukraine continue to resist the aggressor even in the presence of armed men without insignia, and under the conditions of temporary occupation. Whenever possible, they unite in response to Russian repression.

Published on 2023-06-20

Olha Volianiuk, Security Environment Research Center «Prometheus»

Maksym Maiorov, Center for Strategic Communications and Information Security

Sources

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